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The Kimberley Process Dance with Zimbabwe

The Key Players in the Marange and KPCS debate

Compiled by Shamiso Mtisi-Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (KPCSC Coordinator)

The story continues

The Marange diamonds circus attracted a lot of different characters and players. These ranged from the KPCS itself, government, civil society, state owned and private mining companies. The glitter and prospects to strike it rich in Marange also attracted criminals, illegal diggers and dealers from other parts of the country. Many invested and lost money in Marange. Many were led on in the mad rush for diamonds by visions of untold riches and dreams of a happy age spent in ease and luxury. Many families were also broken as a result of the diamond field. However, what is more apposite is to analyse the actors in the KPCS drama.

The key player in the Marange issue was the KPCS itself through its various structures and actors who mainly included participants and observers. The KPCS is a tripartite arrangement which includes governments, industry and civil society. The Participants are states or regional economic integration organizations that meet KPCS minimum requirements while observers include industry and civil society. Participants are required to implement the KPCS provisions by adoption of internal measures as set out in the KPCS core document within their national jurisdiction. The KPCS also works through what are called working groups which include both participants and observers. The working groups focus on specific thematic issues such as the Working Group on Monitoring (WGM) responsible for monitoring compliance with KPCS requirements, the Working Group on Statistics which looks at diamond productions and export statistics submitted by participants and the Working Group on Diamond Experts which focuses on foot printing diamonds. The KPCS normally meet twice a year during intersessional and plenary meetings. By end of December 2012, the KPCS had a total of 49 participants representing 75 diamond producing, processing and trading countries. Decisions of the KPCS are reached by consensus and this created problems for the KPCS on the issue of Zimbabwe. Both intersessional and Plenary meetings were always heated and ran long into the night due to disagreements over whether the country should be allowed to trade or not.

In order to better analyse and understand the role played by each of these actors in the Zimbabwean situation, it is important to focus on each of the actors separately.

At the national level, the Zimbabwean government as a participant of the KPCS became the major player in the debate on Marange, represented mainly by the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development. The Ministry administers all mining laws in the country and diamond mining and marketing falls under it[1]. The Ministry of Mines has a KPCS office with a focal point person as required by the KPCS. The focal point was designated to lead the implementation of the KPCS. That role was being played by one, John Makandwa, a rather quiet fellow whose role in the KPCS drama paled into insignificancy and was not visible during heated debates on whether Zimbabwe should be allowed to trade or not. However, he helped a lot with logistical issues during Review visits. Further, under the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development are state owned companies that were also at the centre of the controversy in Marange namely, the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC) and the Minerals Marketing Corporation (MMCZ).  The ZMDC is the government’s investment arm in the mining sector and its functions include investing in the mining industry on behalf of the state, prospecting, exploration, mining and mineral beneficiation. The ZMDC was granted four Special Grants in Marange namely SG 4718, SG 4719, SG 4720 and SG 4765.[2] When ACR was kicked out of Marange and the diamond rush had started, the ZMDC started mining diamonds with antiquated equipment and appears to have been at the centre of the smuggling and illegal trade of diamonds. It had no capacity. This was clearly against the KPCS minimum requirements. However, in 2010 through its subsidiary, Marange Resources, the ZMDC entered into partnership with investors to form Mbada Diamonds, Anjin, Canadile and Diamond Mining Corporation (DMC) in which it held 50% of the shares on behalf of the state. Canadile was later to be taken over by Marange Resources after allegations of corruption and misrepresentation of facts during the acquisition of the mining rights. The Joint Venture companies were at various stages of compliance with KPCS minimum requirements and were certified at different stages. The KPCS had to take the unprecedented step of certifying diamonds at a mine level than at national level. The KPCS Monitoring team also had to visit each of these mines to certify that they had complied with KPCS minimum requirements.

The MMCZ was also active in the KPCS since it is responsible for marketing minerals in Zimbabwe including diamonds[3]. The importance of the MMCZ to the diamond sector and the KPCS is that it is responsible for issuing Kimberley Process Certificates. This means all diamond exports are supposed to be certified by the MMCZ as conflict free diamonds and that they were handled in compliance with KP.[4] At one point, in January 2010 Mbada Diamonds had unilaterally attempted to auction a total of 300 000 carats of rough diamonds without the knowledge of the MMCZ.[5] This was going to be a major breach of the law and the Supervised Export Mechanism initiated by the KPCS which prescribed the certification of diamonds by the KPCS Monitor. However, the auction was stopped after Mbada was advised against the move. During the course of the embargo on Zimbabwean diamonds, MMCZ officials attended KPCS meetings in numbers.

The Minerals Unit is another actor in the diamond mining and export sector. In terms of the Mines and Minerals (Minerals Unit) Regulations of 2008 (SI 82 of 2008) the Unit is made up of officers from the Ministry of Mines, the police and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. Its function is to assist miners in preventing the theft of minerals and prevent smuggling of minerals outside Zimbabwe. It has power to inspect, enter any mining location, inspect mining operations and examine books or records.[6] Theoretically, the regulations are arguably a good attempt by the country to try and create internal control and security measures to prevent smuggling as contemplated in Section IV of the KPCS Core Document[7]. However, the Minerals Unit was not very active in curbing illegality and smuggling of diamonds against KPCS minimum requirements in Marange. Rather it was very difficult or its members to effectively curb theft and smuggling when some of their counterparts in the police force and the military were involved in facilitating illegal digging and smuggling of diamonds through syndicates.

The other key actor in the Marange fiasco emerged to be the former Minister of Mines and Mining Development, Obert Mpofu. Due to his position as the Minister of Mines, all state officials and departments involved in the diamond issue as well as mining companies fell under him. His was a high post that elevated him to the status of a demi-god to any potential investor. During his tenure he attended every KPCS meeting without fail from 2009 until 2012. This easily made him the point man and chief player from the Zimbabwean delegation. He was also fortunate that the KPCS offered him slots to address the plenary and intersessional opening meetings. His role was to defend Zimbabwe’s position that the country has complied with all the KPCS minimum requirements and there was no need to maintain the embargo. He denied that there were any human rights violations and smuggling of diamonds in Marange. In many cases he denied that the military used helicopter gunships to maim people. His speeches were mainly punctuated by insults against civil society and other participants such as the European Union, United States and Canada of denying Zimbabwe the change to trade its diamonds. Mpofu strongly felt the KPCS was unfairly treating Zimbabwe by maintaining the embargo and requiring the country to implement the elements of the Joint Work Plan. He said this was an attempt by detractors to place onerous conditions on the country so that it does not benefit from its diamonds. He would also accuse civil society of lying about human rights violations in Marange. The issue of sanctions on diamond mining companies in which the ZMDC and MMCZ had shares was also top on the agenda in his speeches. He accused the United States, the European Union, Canada and Australia of imposing sanctions on Zimbabwe and using the KPCS as a political tool to effect regime change in Zimbabwe.

During KPCS meetings Mpofu would walk around with a huge delegation of more than 40 people from Zimbabwe composed of state security agents, military and police officers, mining company officials, pseudo civil society activists and other officials from state entities. Among the delegation were three notable people who played a key role in shaping Zimbabwe’s arguments in the KPCS meetings. One was Farai Mutamangira, a Harare based private lawyer who had also been attending all KPCS meetings. The other was the Attorney-General of Zimbabwe, Johannes Tomana. Then Godwills Masimirembwa later joined when he was appointed Chairman of ZMDC.

These three became the legal nerve-centre of all the actions by Zimbabwe during KPCS meetings. However, Mutamangira easily overshadowed the other two because of his eloquence and command of the issues. He is also Mpofu’s private lawyer. He won many admirers in the KPCS. Reports indicate that he was being paid handsomely for assisting Zimbabwe to charter the KPCS high waters, leading to the removal of the restrictions on exports of diamonds by the KPCS.[8] Johannes Tomana was in many cases quiet in KPCS meetings, maybe because of lack of understanding of KPCS procedures and issues, but he was instrumental in threatening the KPCS civil society coalition representatives in Zimbabwe with prosecution. He accused Shamiso Mtisi of working against the economic interests of the country and stated that the police should arrest such people. It is possible that the threats were aimed at intimidating civil society to make sure that it will not point out the human rights abuses and smuggling of diamonds in Marange during KPCS meetings in Washington in 2012.  However, after the threats civil society in Zimbabwe threatened to stay away from the KPCS Plenary in Washington, only for the former Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Mines, Mupazviriho to organize an urgent meeting between civil society, police commissioners and Ministry officials to assure civil society that no one will be arrested.  Masimirembwa was later to make a presentation during the 2012 KPCS plenary meeting in Washingston, denying any cases of illegal mining, corruption, smuggling of diamonds and theft as well as issue of lack of transparency and accountability, only to be named by the President in a speech that he was demanding bribes from Ghanaian investors.[9] This goes on to show that most of the people who were at the forefront of denying the reports of violence, theft and corruption were actually the ones involved in those vices whilst crying the loudest at KPCS meetings.

The Zimbabwe government also had its foreign and local supporters during the heated KPCS meetings and even outside KPCS meetings. These were mostly opportunists and people willing to please Mpofu for unknown favours. Examples included Peter Muees, the Dubai Diamond Exchange Chairman and Chaim Evan Zohar, President of Tacy in Israel. Their objective has always been to fight against the reports of civil society around illegality, human right violations and corruption in Marange. For example, during a Diamond Conference meeting in Victoria Falls in December 2012, Chaim Evan Zohar who was chairing one of the sessions was instrumental in accusing local civil society of lying and producing false reports on human rights and working in cohorts with international organisations such as Partnership Africa Canada to spoil the trade of Marange diamonds. This was after PAC had released a report on Minister Mpofu, profiling his wealth and allegations of corruption against him. Evan Chaim’s behaviour set the crowd, mainly made up of state security agents to demand for the arrest of Shamiso Mtisi, while others were openly threatening to beat him up. Even the KPCS Chair, by then Ambassador Gillian Milovanonic from the United States of America was not spared the insults and was heckled. She was accused of failing to balance the interests of the KPCS and those of America which was being accused of imposing sanctions on the export of Marange diamonds. Peter Muees has always been a supporter of Zimbabwe in all KPCS meetings. Zimbabwe also received support from the African Diamond Producers Association during its fight with the KPCS.

Some people would say while Mpofu would appear all powerful during KPCS meetings, he was not his own man. It is often said that he was under a lot of pressure from authorities in Harare. Consequently, there has always been a belief in KPCS circles that Mpofu and his handlers in Harare did not genuinely want the ban on Marange diamonds to be lifted because they were benefiting from the chaos in Marange[10]. The Minister was taking instructions from a coterie of state security agents and a clique in Harare, possibly members of the Joint Operations Command (JOC), which has a stranglehold on Marange.

In the above context, the role of the military and police in all KPCS issues was also clear. At the international level, the delegation from Zimbabwe would include a sizable number of state security agents from the military, police and central intelligence organisation (CIO). These will be tasked with observing who civil society coalition members from Zimbabwe will be meeting, where they will be sleeping and which flights they will be taking. All KPCS related email discussions of civil society coalition members were allegedly monitored.Therefore, the role of security forces within the KPCS was played at two main levels. The first covert and secret to monitor civil society actors and other participants and the second, criminal through syndicates based in Marange. At the local level many of the police, military and CIO operatives who were lucky to be deployed in Marange would leave at the end of their deployment go home with huge pickings and riches from Marange. This was mainly achieved through the operation of syndicates and rings that were involved in illegal mining, smuggling and trade of diamonds contrary to the KPCS. The dealers, diggers and security forces formed a formidable force that worked against Zimbabwe’s efforts to regularize the situation in Marange to comply with KPCS minimum requirements. The looting continued and resulted in several reports of fights, killings and sometimes daring Hollywood-style escapades by some soldiers and police officers all in an attempt to get rich in Marange. Some police officers would also steal diamonds from the exhibit room that were subject to criminal cases[11]. Some overzealous police officers would kill villagers driven by a desire to protect the diamonds and possibly their loot[12]. These cases went against the efforts of government to regularize the situation in Marange and comply with KPCS minimum requirements.

At an institutional level, while there was phased withdrawal of the military in 2011 from an estimated high of 1500, some remnants of the soldiers were still present in the area and villages. The military also held some shares in Anjin Investments through a shelf company called Matt Bronze.[13] The military factor is also evident through the signing of a loan agreement to the tune of US$98 million between the Chinese (secured through China Eximbank) and the government of Zimbabwe for the Construction of a National Defence College in Harare.[14] For the KPCS, the role of the military became an issue and that is why the Joint Work Plan called for the phased withdrawal of the military from the diamond fields. To a large extent, the army and police had also become complicity in stifling compliance with KPCS requirements.

The other key players in the KPCS tango with Zimbabwe were the KPCS Monitors. Pursuant to the Joint Work Plan of November 2009, Zimbabwe was put under a Supervised Export Mechanism which subjected all shipments from all production sites in the Marange to examination and certification by the KP Monitor prior to export[15]. The KP Monitor was to ensure that the production and export of rough diamonds is compliant with the minimum standards. Subsequently, Abbey Chikane from South Africa was appointed as the first KP Monitor for Marange. His performance as the KP Monitor left a lot to be desired. Concerns were also raised regarding Mr. Chikane’s judgment and impartiality after he led to the arrest of Farai Maguwu, a civil society coalition member by security agents when Maguwu gave him evidence of state sponsored violence and participation in smuggling of diamonds. Further, during the KPCS impasse on whether Zimbabwe should be allowed to trade or not, Abbey Chikane unilaterally visited Zimbabwe and certified some diamond parcels from Marange without the knowledge and mandate of the KPCS in November 2010.

In order to continue with the supervised export mechanism and to break the impasse, the KPCS in November 2011 adopted an Administrative Decision which provided for the establishment of a KPCS Monitoring team for Marange. The new team included Mark Van Bockstael and Abbey Chikane. Chikane had a second bite of the cherry, despite his buttered image. This appeared to have been a way of balancing the interests of Zimbabwe on the other hand of the international community which had faith in Mark Van Bockstael, a seasoned diamond expert based in Antwerp. For the first time, the monitoring team produced comprehensive quarterly reports with statistics of exports and production from each of the different mines that were monitored such as DMC and Anjin. The team was also assisted by the civil society coalition which produced independent reports on the situation in Marange. Mark Van Bockstael respected the role of civil society and consulted different groups during his tenure as one of the KP Monitors. The reports by the KP Monitoring team and civil society informed the KPCS about the situation at those mines and enabled the KPCS to make a final decision to lift the restrictions on Marange in November 2012.

The role of observers was also critical in the actions of the KPCS in Zimbabwe. Observers’ are groups that monitor the implementation of the KPCS, notably members of the diamond industry and civil society organizations.  The industry is represented by the World Diamond Council (WDC) and civil society has formed a coalition that includes various organizations such as Partnership Africa Canada, Green Advocates, Centre for Natural Resources Governance and ZELA among others from Sierra Leone, DRC, Ivory Coast and Guinea. Civil society groups produce external reports on the Kimberley Process, the issue of conflict diamonds and the diamond industry in general.

In analysing the role of the industry in Marange it is important to distinguish the role of the WDC and the mining companies operating in Marange that were also attending KPCS meetings and were subject to the embargo. In many of the decisions in the KPCS, the WDC would tend to support positions that sought to protect the interests of the diamond industry. The WDC appears to have a sway over government, but appeared to have been sympathetic more with the interests of governments than those of civil society. But the WDC also appeared to have been wary about its image and the image of the diamond industry if they rubbished civil society positions as they feared that civil society will campaign against industry interests. That is the reason why the industry was cautious in some of it approaches on Zimbabwe. However, some of its members like Evan Chaim Zohar and Peter Mues were outright and openly in favour of the position of the Zimbabwean government on various issues such as human rights violations and transparency and accountability.

As for the mining companies in Marange, they were the critical actors directly under the KPCS embargo. The KPCS games in Zimbabwe were played with the first diamond mining companies that set shop in Marange namely, Mbada Diamonds, Anjin, Marange Resources (formerly Canadile) and DMC. However, the number of mining diamond mining in Marange and other adjoining Districts companies it expanded to include GAYE NYAME, DTZ-OZERGO, Rera Diamonds, Jinan Investments and Nan Jiang Africa among others. These new mining companies were not subject to close monitoring by the KPCS.

For Mbada diamonds, Anjin, DMC and Marange Resources, the journey to the removal of the restrictions by the KPCS was long. While government was bound by the KPCS standards as a participant and regulator of the diamond mining and trading sector, it was the direct responsibility of mining companies to ensure that they put in place measures and systems at the mine site to comply with the KPCS minimum requirements as stated in the JWP. In particular, it was the responsibility of mining companies to put up adequate security measures, installation of modern/hands-free processing equipment and contracting private security. This shows they were central to KPCS compliance. Consequently, the company executives would attend KPCS meetings. Notable attendees included Robert Mhlanga and David Kassel of Mbada diamonds and Dube of Marange Resources.  At times, the arrogance of the mining companies was shocking. For example, during a KPCS mandated visit to Marange by the KPCS Civil Society Coalition representatives and the staff members at Mbada were very arrogant and uncooperative and did not give the group adequate information on the operations of the company. They also did not allow the group to tour the mine. Mbada also refused the Parliamentary Committee on Mines and Energy entry into the mining site when it was on a fact finding mission in 2010. The Parliamentary Committee noted in its report to Parliament that Mbada Diamonds and DMC were not very co-operative during the Committee’s visit[16]. The Committee also noted that at one point the companies had refused to testify before it only to attend after the committee threatened them with prosecution.[17]

As part of the observers in the KPCS, civil society operated at three strategic levels on the issue of Zimbabwe and the KPCS. Firstly, civil society was engaged at the international level as part of the KP Civil society Coalition. Secondly, civil society was engaged at the national level in Zimbabwe as what is now called the KPCS Civil Society Coalition Representatives in Zimbabwe (formerly Local Focal Point) and thirdly civil society also worked at the community level where community based monitoring was promoted to enhance collection and gathering of information by those who were affected by diamond mining operations in Marange.

At the international level, the KPCS Civil Society Coalition was made up of Global Witness, Partnership Africa Canada (PAC), BICC, Green Advocates, Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association, Centre for Research and Development (CRD) and other organisations from West Africa. Global Witness left the Coalition citing KPCS’s failure to address some of the concerns that over a long period of time were being raised by civil society. However, civil society campaigned strongly against the human rights violations, illegal mining and smuggling of diamonds from Marange. In fact the abuses and the leakages of diamonds from Marange were pointed out by civil society groups. The KPCS Civil Society Coalition is part of the tripartite arrangement of the KPCS. The coalition also sits and contributes to debate in all KPCS matters. Due to its ability to gather information and carry out independent research, the KPCS Civil society coalition has become a good source of information for the KPCS in many respects. For example Global Witness and PAC carried out a number of researches on the human rights abuses and the smuggling of diamonds in Zimbabwe against KPCS minimum requirements[18]. These positions went against the interests of the Zimbabwean government and other participants who viewed civil society as spoilers and people who are being used by other participants to advance a political agenda in the KPCS.

At the national level, Zimbabwean based civil society organisations were also organized into a coalition that started in 2010 during the first KPCS Review Mission to Zimbabwe. Before that several organisations were doing different projects in Marange revolving around human rights, environmental justice, legal advice and medical support. However, there was no coordination at that time and it was very dangerous at that time to work in Marange. These organisations included Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (ZELA), Centre for Research and Development (CRD) and Counselling Services Unit (CSU).  These organisations had compiled a joint report of the abuses, smuggling and theft in Marange which was submitted to the Review Mission. The group also met the Review team. However, in 2010 through the St Petersburg Agreement of 15th of July 2010, the loose coalition was transformed into the Local Focal Point and added a few more members to make them seven. The establishment of the LFP was breaking new ground in the context of the KPCS as it added value to the implementation of the Joint Work Plan and the work of the KP Monitor. The primary purpose of the Local Focal Point was to support the KP Monitor in assessing the implementation of the JWP.

In terms of its work, the group managed to monitor the situation in Marange and even visited some of the mining sites. It also produced quarterly reports that were presented to the KPCS. However, the road was not always rosy for the LFP as its members faced a lot of threats from government officials and mining companies operating in Marange. One of its members was arrested, while others were threatened with physical abuse and legal prosecution. The accusations by government were that the group was working against the economic interests of the country and that the group was being used by international organisations such as PAC and Global Witness to pursue a political agenda by preventing the sale of Marange diamonds. The relationship between civil society and government was bad and there was no element of cooperation. However, the situation improved when Zimbabwe started selling diamonds after the restrictions were removed in 2012.

In order to provide credible information to the KPCS, the LFP also worked closely and even trained community based monitors in Marange to be able to gather and collect information on smuggling, diamond leakages and the human rights situation in Marange. This was an innovative way of ensuring that there is a constant flow of information from Marange. The community monitors were mainly drawn from the Chiadzwa Community Development Trust (CCDT) which is a community based group. This approach benefited the KPCS in monitoring the situation in Marange. This strategy was employed because it was not easy for the LFP to visit and collect information in Marange which was a protected area and getting permission from government and the security forces was not easy.

Not surprisingly, the response of the Zimbabwean government to the emergency of a strong LFP was to form a parallel structure of government aligned NGOs that called themselves the Civil Society Coalition. Formation of fake and bogus is one of the strategies the government of Zimbabwe uses when it is faced with difficult situations such as the KPCS debate on Marange. The group was financially supported by Mbada Diamonds.[19] The rowdy group would normally walk together at KPCS meetings numbering more than 20 people. The group included Resource Exploitation Watch whose point man was Tafadzwa Musarara who had already been named as one of the people who were demanding bribes from investors from Ghana together with Godwills Masimirembwa. Other members of the civil society coalition included Joshua Marufu, Supa Mandiwanzira (former Media and Information Deputy Minister), Paddington Japajapa and Goodson Nguni among others. The mandate of the group was to paint a good picture of the situation in Marange and to confuse the international community and the KPCS. They seemed to also have had a mandate to trail, disturb and harass genuine civil society activists from Zimbabwe at various KPCS meetings. However, many KPCS participants knew about the scheme and dismissed them.
The KP story continues next Friday. Till then!


[1] Its mandate is derived from the Mines and Minerals Act (Chapter 21:05) which is the principle legislation on mining

[2] Chikane. A (21 March 2010), Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, Fact Finding Mission Report on Marange

[3] Section 20 of the Minerals Marketing Corporation Act

[4] See generally Precious Stones Trade Regulations, 1978 as amended by the Precious Stones Trade (Amendment) Regulations, SI 282 of 2002. 

[5] Revelations were made by MMCZ officials during a Parliamentary hearing by the Committee on Mines and Energy on the operations of ZMDC and its partners in Marange diamond mining area. The hearings were held on the 1st and 8th of February 2010.

[6] Section 4 of the Mines and Minerals (Minerals Unit) Regulations of 2008 (SI 82 of 2008)

[7] Dhliwayo. M and Mtisi S. (2012). Towards the Development of a Diamond Act in Zimbabwe;  Analysis of the Legal and Policy Framework on Diamonds and Zimbabwe’s Compliance with the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) Minimum Requirements. Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (ZELA).

[8] The Standard (January 10, 2011); “Zanu PF apologist faces arrest”

[9] The Herald (September 18, 2013); “Ex-ZMDC boss in $6m scandal”

[10] Personal interactions with different KPCS participants and observers

[11] A police officer at Mutare Magistrates court in Mutare stole 13 383 carats of diamonds from the exhibits room.

[12] The case of Joseph Chani a police officer who had beaten a villager to death is a case in point. Chani was however, sentenced to 23 years in jail.

[13] Global Witness (June 2012) Financing a Parallel Government; The Involvement of the secret police and military in Zimbabwe’s diamond, cotton and property sectors

[14] The Loan agreement for the Construction of the National Defence College was signed by the Minister of Finance on the 21st of March 2011

[15] KPCS (5November 2009) Administrative Decision on Marange adopted at Swakopmund, Namibia

[16] Parliament of Zimbabwe (June 2013) First Report of the Portfolio Committee on Mines and Energy on Diamond Mining, with special reference to Marange Diamond Fields; 2009 – 2013; Paper Presented to Parliament by the Portfolio Committee on Mines and Energy

[17] ibid

[18] The following reports detail what happened in Marange; Global Witness (June 2012) Financing a Parallel Government; The Involvement of the secret police and military in Zimbabwe’s diamond, cotton and property sectors, Partnership Africa Canada; Diamonds and Clubs (June 2010), the Militarised Control of Diamonds and Power in Zimbabwe, Alan Martin and Bernard Taylor (Editors) (November 2012); Reap What You Show: Greed and Corruption in Zimbabwe’s Marange Diamond Fields; Partnership Africa Canada; Partnership Africa Canada; Diamonds and Clubs (June 2010), the Militarised Control of Diamonds and Power in Zimbabwe and Human Rights Watch (2009) Diamonds in the Rough Human Rights Abuses in the Marange Diamond Fields of Zimbabwe;

[19] The Herald (17 October 2011); “Chiyangwa takes over AAG”

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